Israel’s Election Leaves Netanyahu’s Bloc Short of a Majority and Arab Parties at a Record 19 Seats, With Japanese Reactions

Netanyahu's bloc fell short of 61 seats and Arab parties won a record 19. What the result could change in Gaza, the West Bank and US aid conditions, with Japanese reactions on X.

Key Points

ใƒปAccording to the Times of Israel’s October 30, 2026 report on the final results, no bloc won an outright majority in the 120-seat Knesset: Netanyahu’s bloc won 53, the non-Arab anti-Netanyahu bloc 48 and the Arab parties 19, a record according to AP.

ใƒปNetanyahu and opposition candidate Eisenkot have both ruled out a coalition with the Arab parties, so negotiations, including possible outside support for a minority government, will shape policy.

ใƒปReuters reports that both candidates oppose withdrawing from Gaza before Hamas disarms, so the sharper difference is likelier in the West Bank, while pressure from a US Congress after the midterms affects how far anything can change.


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This video has Japanese audio and slides. To read English captions, open Settings โ†’ Subtitles/CC โ†’ Auto-translate โ†’ English, where available. Automatic translations may contain errors. If the option is unavailable in the embedded player, watch on YouTube. The accompanying English article provides the written explanation.

Netanyahu’s Bloc Falls Short, and Arab Parties Win a Record 19 Seats

Israel held its parliamentary election on October 27 for the Knesset, which has 120 seats. According to the Times of Israel, the Central Elections Committee published the final results on October 30, and no bloc reached the majority of 61.

BlocSeats
Netanyahu bloc53
Anti-Netanyahu bloc (non-Arab parties)48
Arab parties (Joint List 11, Ra’am 8)19

(Bloc totals are from the Times of Israel’s October 30 report.)

By party, Netanyahu’s Likud became the largest, followed by Yashar, led by Eisenkot, a former chief of staff of the military. AP reported that the two Arab parties won the most seats they have ever held.


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Who the Arab Parties Represent and Where the Gaza Ceasefire Stands

Israel’s two Arab parties are the Joint List, an alliance of three parties, and Ra’am. Their main base is Arab citizens of Israel, and Reuters reports that Palestinian citizens of Israel make up about one fifth of the population.

Who the Arab parties represent, and what voters wanted

The Joint List’s platform describes the alliance as expressing the political will of the “Palestinian citizens of Israel” and also calls for an end to the siege of Gaza and to the occupation.

Still, the people who vote for these parties are choosing members of the Israeli parliament, not representatives of Hamas or of Gaza’s residents. The platform’s priorities include protecting families from crime and violence, housing, education and equality. Unlike in past elections, when many Arab citizens boycotted on the view that voting was pointless, reports describe this vote as political participation to protect security and livelihoods.

How the two parties approach government

Ra’am descends from the southern branch of the Islamic Movement and has followed a strategy of joining governments to resolve local problems. According to the Jerusalem Post, it joined the Bennett and Lapid coalition in 2021. In return, investment in Arab communities and a legal status for unrecognized Bedouin villages (villages of Arab residents with nomadic roots) were put on the table.

The Joint List is an alliance of three parties. Alongside crime and equality, its platform calls for a Palestinian state on the 1967 lines with East Jerusalem as its capital. The Jerusalem Post describes Ra’am as leaving wide room for coalition talks and the Joint List as acting like an opposition force that uses its seats to demand concessions.

There is also a middle path: a party can stay out of the coalition and support a minority government from outside. In that case the price of cooperation is budget and policy commitments instead of cabinet seats.

A year after the ceasefire, Gaza’s withdrawal and disarmament remain stalled

In Gaza, a US-brokered ceasefire in October 2025 ended large-scale fighting. In the first phase, the last hostages held by Hamas, living and dead, were returned in exchange for a partial withdrawal of Israeli forces and more aid.

In the US-mediated talks, the terms for Hamas’s disarmament, the Israeli military’s withdrawal and the start of reconstruction under an international framework have still not been settled. The next phase, which includes setting up a new governing body, has been on hold for almost a year. Airstrikes continue during the ceasefire, and rebuilding people’s lives has not progressed.

Related article

One Year After the Gaza Ceasefire: Why Withdrawal and Reconstruction Have Stalled, With Japanese Reactions


What the Next Government Can Change in Gaza and the West Bank

Why the two candidates’ Gaza pledges nearly overlap

According to Reuters, both candidates oppose withdrawing before Hamas is disarmed, and neither rules out resuming the fighting.

In an Israel that experienced the October 2023 attack, wariness about leaving while Hamas is still armed is strong, and the candidates’ positions follow that security concern. Meanwhile, with neither withdrawal nor reconstruction under way, most of Gaza’s residents continue to live in tents and damaged buildings. The weight of the stalemate falls on them.

Eisenkot has pledged to end Hamas’s rule within 18 months of taking office, through US mediation or military force. That is a deadline, not a promise to avoid war.

Where differences are likelier: West Bank settlements and settler violence

Settlements are Jewish communities built in the West Bank, which Israel occupies. According to Reuters, Eisenkot supports settlements in principle but has pledged to remove outposts that are illegal even under Israel’s own law and to curb settler violence.

He also opposes the E1 construction that Netanyahu’s government has advanced. The concern is that E1 could fragment the West Bank’s north-south connections and restrict access to East Jerusalem.

Eisenkot, however, also opposes a Palestinian state. The only major Jewish-led party that supports a two-state solution is Israel’s Democrats party, which won 8 seats this time. It would be wrong to say a change of prime minister brings peace closer, and equally wrong to say nothing would change. What can change is how far settlement expansion and violence in the West Bank are tolerated.

How could the Arab parties’ 19 seats reach policy, and where would they stop?

The anti-Netanyahu bloc cannot hold a government on its own, so it has to look for cooperation with the Arab parties or ties to other blocs. What the Arab parties ask for in exchange, and how much the other side accepts, will decide whether policy changes.

Before the election, Joint List leader Jabareen signaled willingness to support from outside a government that removes Netanyahu. According to the Jerusalem Post, the conditions he listed included a crime-fighting plan with deadlines, a budget and oversight, a halt to home demolitions, recognition of Bedouin villages and a political horizon for Palestinians. How many of these are accepted depends on the talks ahead.

Eisenkot, for his part, asks the two parties to recognize Israel as a “Jewish and democratic state” and to declare Hamas a terrorist organization that must be dismantled. The leaders of both parties condemned the October 7, 2023 attack but have not gone as far as calling Hamas a terrorist organization. One reason given is that doing so could look like justifying the devastating military campaign in Gaza.

With both candidates opposed to a Palestinian state, a major shift in foreign policy would be hard to extract. Even so, on curbing settler violence the Joint List’s demands and Eisenkot’s pledges overlap.

The Joint List’s platform calls for lifting the siege of Gaza, aid and reconstruction, and the return of displaced people. In a government that needs the party’s cooperation, humanitarian demands could become part of the bargaining, but no accepted agreement has been confirmed. Reconstruction is tied to Hamas’s disarmament, the Israeli military’s withdrawal and new governance, and unless the US-mediated talks settle terms including the order of steps, a domestic coalition deal alone cannot move it.

The demands needed to win support can also be hard for the supporters of a cooperating Jewish party to accept. Beyond adding up seats, whether each side can explain a deal to its own voters is another difficult point in the talks.

How US midterms could change the pressure on aid

If Republicans lose a majority in the House or the Senate, President Trump would find it harder to pass budgets and legislation, and his administration would face more constraints. Pressure from Congress to attach conditions to support for Israel could also grow.

Reuters cites Netanyahu’s closeness to Republicans as one reason support for Israel has fallen within the US Democratic Party. Even so, Democrats are divided between members who want aid cut off and those who want limits on specific weapons. A midterm result alone would not stop aid. The question is how strict the conditions become through hearings and budget negotiations.

Related article

US Midterms 2026: Cost-of-Living Anger Meets Tariff and War Powers That Won’t Change Quickly, With Japanese Reactions

What if Trump wants quick results on the Gaza plan?

Another factor is how Trump handles the Gaza plan. It is a signature policy, yet after the first phase the next phase has been stalled for almost a year. If he wants a foreign policy result after the midterms, he could press Israel’s next government to move to the next phase.

Eisenkot names the US-mediated plan as one way to end Hamas’s rule. But his condition of no withdrawal before disarmament is the same as Netanyahu’s, and the order between the withdrawal and reconstruction the plan calls for and disarmament has not been agreed with Hamas either. If Washington rushes for results, whether that pressure pushes Israel to withdraw, pushes Hamas to disarm or leans toward tolerating renewed fighting cannot be seen at this point.

Reuters lists the war in Gaza and violence in the West Bank as reasons support for Israel has fallen among US Democrats. How the West Bank violence is handled is something Israel’s next government can change. Who forms a government with which parties will also feed back into how Democrats in Congress think about conditions on aid.


Japanese Reactions to Israel’s Election

The posts below are Japanese-language posts on X dated October 27 and 28, election day and the day after. They reflect discussion before the October 30 final results, rather than opinion in Japan as a whole. The translations preserve each author’s claims and assessments.

A user named ๆ›ฝๆˆ‘ๅคชไธ€ Taichi Soga wrote:

If we take “hawk” and “dove” as normally describing positions or ideologies in military strategy or diplomatic strategy, then you could call Eisenkot a hawk, and Netanyahu could perhaps be described as a figure who has by now transcended hawk and dove altogether. What would that leave, I wonder? https://t.co/HligVyge8I (translated)

A user named ไธ–็•Œ้ธๆŒ™็›ฃ่ฆ–ไบบ๐Ÿ‡ฏ๐Ÿ‡ต๐Ÿณ๏ธโ€๐ŸŒˆ๐Ÿ•Š๐ŸŒฑ wrote:

Israel ๐Ÿ‡ฎ๐Ÿ‡ฑ

“Even if Mr. Eisenkot were to become prime minister, nothing about the situation would change, because he is just as much a hawk as Mr. Netanyahu.” This opinion can be seen here and there on anti-Israel accounts. It is clearly wrong.

He does have hawkish sides as well, but he is without question more dovish than Mr. Netanyahu

โฌ‡๏ธ (translated)

A user named ใƒ†ใƒ˜ใƒฉใƒณใ‚ซใƒˆใ‚ฆ/ Tehran Kato wrote:

Which information am I supposed to believe?

Are Mr. Eisenkot and the Arab parties going to come through and form a coalition?

Still, no matter how much I look into it, I get the feeling Mr. Eisenkot is better than Netanyahu. https://t.co/CkSviUZIAe (translated)

A user named mishi-mishi ใƒŸใ‚ทใƒŸใ‚ท wrote:

In August, [a call for the “Judaization” of the Negev in the south and the Galilee in the north (where many Arabs live), as part of a settlement “revolution”] was issued. In fact, there had also been moves by settler groups who came from the West Bank to pitch tents in Arab areas inside Israel and create “settlements.”

โฌ‡๏ธ

This, as someone living in the north, is genuinely frightening. https://t.co/DDzVqrc9d8 (translated)


Will Votes That Won Representation Reach Policy?

In this election Netanyahu’s bloc lost its majority and Arab citizens sent the largest number of members they ever have to the Knesset. On Gaza, the two prime ministerial candidates stand together on the pledge not to withdraw before Hamas disarms. Differences are likelier on West Bank outposts and settler violence, and what shapes them is which parties form a government together.

Whether the Arab parties’ votes reach policy depends on turning demands about security, livelihoods and the Palestinians’ future into commitments their partners can accept. In the United States, pressure from Congress after the midterms overlaps with Trump’s own stance on his Gaza plan.

Whether the weight of that representation reaches policy depends on several conditions. Will the terms of cooperation take shape as concrete measures with deadlines and budgets? Will the next government actually remove outposts and curb settler violence? And on the sequence that would set Gaza’s withdrawal and reconstruction in motion, who will take the first step?


Frequently Asked Questions

How many seats did Netanyahu’s bloc and the Arab parties win in Israel’s 2026 election?

Netanyahu’s bloc won 53 of the 120 Knesset seats, the non-Arab anti-Netanyahu bloc 48 and the Arab parties 19 (Joint List 11, Ra’am 8), according to the Times of Israel’s October 30, 2026 report on the final results. No bloc reached the 61 seats needed for a majority, and AP reported that the two Arab parties won their most seats ever.

Do Netanyahu and Eisenkot differ on Gaza?

Not much on withdrawal. Reuters reports that both oppose withdrawing from Gaza before Hamas is disarmed and neither rules out resuming the fighting. The clearer differences are in the West Bank, where Eisenkot has pledged to remove outposts that are illegal under Israeli law and to curb settler violence, while still opposing a Palestinian state.

Could the US midterms change US support for Israel?

They could raise pressure for conditions, but they would not stop aid on their own. If Republicans lose a majority in the House or the Senate, the Trump administration faces more constraints and Congress may press harder for conditions. Reuters notes that Democrats are split between members who want aid cut off and those who want limits on specific weapons.

How did Japanese social media react to Israel’s election?

In the small set of Japanese-language posts on X that we checked, dated October 27 and 28, one user wrote about whether Eisenkot can be called a hawk and whether Netanyahu has transcended hawk and dove, one wrote that Eisenkot is without question more dovish than Netanyahu, one asked whether Eisenkot and the Arab parties will form a coalition, and one wrote that moves by settler groups in Arab areas inside Israel are frightening as someone living in the north. They are posts about the policy discussion around election day, not reactions to the final results, and not a measure of opinion in Japan.

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Sekahan
Sekahan

Editor of Sekahan, a Japanese news-analysis blog. Writes English explainers built on Japanese-language primary sources such as Teikoku Databank reports, government white papers, and official statistics.

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