Key Points
ใปThe Alternative for Germany (AfD) won 43.8 percent of the vote and 39 of 83 seats in the Saxony-Anhalt state election on September 6, 2026, three seats short of the 42 needed for a majority.
ใปThe party’s Saxony-Anhalt branch has been classified as a confirmed far-right organization by the state domestic intelligence service since November 2023, and the mainstream parties have refused to govern with it under an arrangement known as the firewall.
ใปSurvey work around the election found that voters now rate the AfD as the party most able to solve the state’s problems, including on the economy and public safety. Keeping the AfD out of office does not transfer that expectation to anyone else.
The AfD Wins 43.8 Percent and Falls Three Seats Short of a Majority
Voters in the eastern German state of Saxony-Anhalt elected a new state parliament on September 6, 2026, and the AfD finished first.
According to the provisional result published by the state returning officer as of September 8, the AfD took 43.8 percent, roughly double its 20.8 percent in 2021, and won 39 of the 83 seats. A majority requires 42.
According to the same provisional result, the Christian Democratic Union (CDU), which took 37.1 percent in 2021 and led the outgoing state government with the Social Democrats (SPD) and the Free Democrats (FDP), fell to 17.2 percent and 15 seats. The SPD took 9.3 percent and 8 seats, the Greens 8.9 percent and 8 seats, the Left party 8.6 percent and 8 seats, and the new Sahra Wagenknecht Alliance (BSW) 5.3 percent and 5 seats, according to figures from the state returning officer. Turnout was 77.8 percent in that count, up from 60.3 percent in 2021.
Ulrich Siegmund, the AfD’s lead candidate in the state, said the day after the vote that he intended to become minister-president. Chancellor Friedrich Merz of the CDU again ruled out cooperation with the AfD the same day and was reported as acknowledging that the result had shaken his party to its foundations.
The arithmetic now runs through the BSW and its five seats. The BSW has said it is willing to discuss policy with every party including the AfD, but statements from its officials vary and its position on a coalition or on the vote for minister-president has not settled. On the seat figures published by the state returning officer, the four parties other than the AfD and the BSW, meaning the CDU, SPD, Greens and Left, hold 39 seats between them, and 44 with the BSW added.
Related Articles
What the AfD Is, and Why No Other Party Will Govern With It
The “firewall” (Brandmauer) is a self-imposed political rule, not a law, under which Germany’s mainstream parties refuse to form coalitions with or rely on the AfD. The CDU adopted it formally at a party conference in 2018. Because it rests on party decisions rather than statute, it can be broken at any time by the parties that made it.
From an Anti-Euro Party to the Largest Party in the East in Thirteen Years
The AfD was founded in February 2013 by economists opposed to German funding for the rescue of Greece during the euro crisis. Immigration was not its main issue at the start.
That changed in 2015. During the year of large-scale refugee arrivals, an internal fight over direction ended with the founders leaving, and the party moved to anti-immigration politics. It entered the federal parliament for the first time in 2017 and grew steadily across the states of the former East Germany.
In the February 2025 federal election the AfD took 20.8 percent nationally and finished second, and within Saxony-Anhalt it took 37.1 percent, according to the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung’s September 2026 election analysis. The 43.8 percent recorded in 2026 is the end point of several years of growth rather than a sudden jump.
This is the second time the AfD has finished first in a state election, after Thuringia in September 2024, where the result published by the Thuringia state parliament put it at 32.8 percent. It did not produce a minister-president there. What is new in Saxony-Anhalt is the scale, the highest share the party has ever recorded, and the fact that an AfD head of government has become a realistic possibility for the first time.
The Far-Right Classification Is an Intelligence Judgment, Not a Ban
In November 2023, the Saxony-Anhalt Office for the Protection of the Constitution classified the state AfD branch as a confirmed far-right organization. That office is a domestic intelligence service that monitors movements judged to threaten the constitutional order.
The stated basis was not the policy of reducing immigration. It was a conception of the nation built around ethnic origin, which the office judged incompatible with human dignity and the democratic principle. State authorities have pointed to language describing German citizens with immigrant backgrounds as Germans on paper only, a way of speaking that denies equal standing to people who hold citizenship.
Classification means surveillance. Banning a party is a separate procedure.
Germany wrote protections against parties hostile to democracy into its post-war constitution after the Nazi party grew through elections and then dismantled democracy through repression and institutional change once Hitler became chancellor. Only the Federal Constitutional Court can ban a party, and it has done so twice, both times in the 1950s.
The federal-level question is being fought in court. The federal domestic intelligence service classified the AfD as a whole in the same category in May 2025, but on February 26, 2026 the Cologne Administrative Court barred it from applying that classification or publishing it until the main proceedings conclude.
The court accepted that anti-constitutional currents exist inside the party while holding that the evidence did not support characterizing the party as a whole that way. The state branch is classified, the national question is unresolved, and nothing in either track prevented the party from contesting the election and winning it.
The State Parliament Elects the Minister-President, So 43.8 Percent Decides Nothing Automatically
German minister-presidents are elected by the state parliament rather than directly by voters. According to the Landtag of Saxony-Anhalt’s own description of the procedure, the first and second ballots require 42 votes, a majority of all members. With 39 seats, the AfD needs at least three members from other parties.
That is where the firewall matters. The CDU adopted its formal position in 2018. When the votes of the CDU and the AfD elected a candidate from a small party as minister-president of Thuringia in 2020, the resulting national crisis forced him to resign within days.
The firewall also has limits. If nobody reaches 42 in two ballots and the parliament decides against dissolving itself, a third ballot follows, decided by a majority of the votes cast. Abstention by the five BSW members alone would not settle it: the remaining four parties could still cast 39 votes against, matching the AfD’s 39 and blocking the election. If abstentions inside those four parties push the opposing total below 39, the AfD’s own votes are enough.
Removing a minister-president once elected also requires a majority of all members for an alternative candidate. Letting a party try and then removing it is not a simple option.
There is a wall on the other side as well. The CDU, SPD, Greens and Left hold 39 seats together and 44 with the BSW, but whether all five would form a coalition or some would support a government from outside is a separate question. The CDU’s 2018 decision also rules out coalitions with the Left, so reaching a majority on paper does not produce a government.
A State That Has Lost a Quarter of Its Population
Saxony-Anhalt belonged to East Germany before reunification. According to figures from Germany’s Demografie-Portal, its population fell from about 2.89 million in 1990 to about 2.12 million at the end of 2025, a decline of roughly a quarter.
That is the steepest fall among Germany’s 16 states, driven largely by younger people moving west for work.
The gap is not only demographic. Close to a fifth of Germany’s population comes from the east, while research published by the Federal Agency for Civic Education in 2024 put the eastern share of leadership positions in politics, administration, business and the judiciary at 12 percent as of 2022. The sense of not being heard is shared well beyond AfD voters.
German researchers also caution against explaining the AfD’s eastern strength through any single factor such as poverty or the legacy of the old regime. Seen from the region itself, those explanations read as condescension from the west.
Anger Alone No Longer Explains the AfD Vote
Why did voters in Saxony-Anhalt turn to the AfD?
The heaviest change in this election is that voters began to see the AfD as a party capable of governing. According to the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung’s September 2026 analysis of the election, drawing on Infratest dimap survey work, 35 percent named the AfD as the party best able to solve the state’s most important problem, against 27 percent for the CDU.
The same analysis found the AfD rated ahead of every other party in each policy field surveyed except climate.
| Field | AfD | CDU | Change since 2021 |
|---|---|---|---|
| Most important problem | 35 | 27 | AfD ahead for the first time |
| Best answers for the future | 31 | 12 | AfD ahead |
| Economy | 30 | 28 | AfD +22 points, CDU -13 points |
| Public safety | 40 | 23 | AfD ahead |
Figures in percent, from the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung’s September 2026 election analysis, based on Infratest dimap. These measure perceptions of competence, not performance in office.
The sources of the vote match that shift. According to the same analysis, the AfD drew an estimated 170,000 votes from people who did not vote in 2021, about 30 percent of its total. Turnout rose from 60.3 percent to 77.8 percent according to the official count, and that is what 43.8 percent is made of.
Whether governing would change those judgments is the open question. If an AfD state government failed, the failure might be read as the party’s own, or as obstruction by the federal government and the other parties. The survey figures at least establish that anger no longer accounts for the whole of this vote.
The party that collapsed was the center right, not the left
An account of this election that runs from too much immigration to a far-right victory does not track the movement of votes. The party that collapsed was the CDU, which had fought the left over immigration policy, and its votes went to the SPD and the Greens as well as to the AfD.
Immigration was nonetheless the dominant issue. According to the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung’s September 2026 analysis, 91 percent of AfD voters said they worried that Germany would stop being Germany as the foreign-born population grew. In the same survey, 89 percent worried that prices would rise beyond their ability to pay their bills. Both anxieties sit inside the same voters, and the AfD was received as the party answering both.
Asked whether East Germans are still treated as second-class citizens in many situations, 83 percent of AfD voters agreed, as did 68 percent of CDU voters, according to that analysis. The feeling is widespread in the east, and the AfD is seen as the party that states it most plainly.
What could an AfD state government actually change about immigration?
Even with an AfD minister-president, the asylum and immigration system itself sits outside the state’s powers. Germany is a federal state, and the basic rules on immigration and asylum cannot be rewritten by a state government. Sanctions on Russia are implemented mainly through the European Union and cannot be lifted by a state either. What states do control is administration after arrival, schools, the practical work of deportation, the police and the framework for public broadcasting.
Siegmund’s first-hundred-days plan tracks that boundary closely. The items reported by Reuters on September 8, 2026 include withdrawal from the interstate broadcasting treaty and abolition of the licence fee, expanded pre-deportation detention, separate classes for refugee children not expected to remain in Germany, and an end to public funding for party-affiliated foundations. All of these are campaign promises. Deportations depend on courts and on receiving countries, and leaving the broadcasting treaty would require negotiation with other states and invite legal challenge.
Some things inside state authority would change. If the AfD held the state interior ministry, the domestic intelligence office that classified its own state branch would report to the party it monitors. On the economy, researchers at the Halle Institute for Economic Research have been reported as saying that employment in the state would have fallen without the inflow of foreign workers, and as warning that exclusionary policy would deepen the labor shortage.
Is the firewall ignoring the voters, or a check on power?
Keeping the largest party out of government is not a refusal of the election result. The parliament elects the minister-president, and other combinations forming a majority is part of parliamentary procedure. According to the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung’s September 2026 analysis, 81 percent of CDU voters said their party should rule out cooperation with the AfD, which makes the firewall an expression of those voters’ own intent.
Excluding the AfD does not dissolve the discontent behind its vote. The four parties other than the AfD and the BSW hold 39 seats and fall short of a majority, and a government including the BSW would join parties that disagree sharply on economic policy. The AfD would then attack the resulting deadlock as established parties protecting their own positions, and could grow again at the next election. That loop is what the defenders of the firewall fear.
The BSW and its five seats decide the near term. It is a new party of the left, but it shares ground with the AfD on strict immigration policy and criticism of support for Ukraine. It has said it will discuss policy with every party, its officials differ in emphasis, and its behavior in the vote for minister-president is unsettled. A minority government of the four parties tolerated by the BSW and a minority AfD government tolerated by others both remain on the table.
Why a single state election matters in Paris and Warsaw
French and Polish ministers responded to a state election because they read it as a signal about German national politics. According to Al Jazeera’s September 7, 2026 report, France’s economy minister called the result a very worrying signal for Europe, and Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk said that only fools or traitors in Poland could celebrate the AfD’s victory.
What neighbors are watching is not the immigration debate but European unity on Russia. The AfD opposes arms deliveries to Ukraine and sanctions on Russia at federal level. According to the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung’s September 2026 analysis, 70 percent of CDU and Green voters said they felt threatened by Russia, against 31 percent of AfD voters. A party supported at home as an anti-immigration force is seen from abroad as a force weakening European cohesion.
When Viktor Orban’s government lost power in Hungary in April 2026, European commentary read it as authoritarian retreat. This result shows that the movement runs in both directions. State governments have no authority over German foreign policy, and the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung’s analysis states that no national trend can be read from this vote.
Even so, cooperation with the AfD at state level would put pressure on the refusal to cooperate nationally. Whether this becomes a precedent ahead of the 2029 federal election is what neighboring governments are watching.
Related article
Hungary’s Government Falls as Orban Is Defeated: EU Unity and the Retreat of Illiberal Rule
Japanese Reactions to the AfD Victory in Saxony-Anhalt
What follows is a snapshot of the Japanese-language conversation on X, not a measure of Japanese public opinion. No opinion poll has asked Japanese voters about Saxony-Anhalt. Still, the pattern is worth recording, because it split cleanly in two. Japanese newspapers and Germany specialists reached for the language of historical rupture. Ordinary users under those same posts spent most of their energy on a different question entirely: whether a democracy is entitled to lock a party out of power at all.
ใใคใใๆฅตๅณใทใงใใฏใใๆงๆฑ็ฌๅท้ธๆใงAfDใ็ฌฌ1ๅ ใซใใกใซใๆฟๆจฉใๆบใใใhttps://t.co/Rq1bJsMxwK
— ็ฃ็ตใใฅใผใน (@Sankei_news) September 6, 2026
ใใคใๆฑ้จใถใฏใปใณใปใขใณใใซใๅทใง6ๆฅใๅท่ญฐไผ้ธใ่กใใใใๅ ฌๅ ฑๆพ้ARDใซใใใจใ็งปๆฐใซๅๅฏพใใๅผท็กฌๅณๆดพใใใคใใฎใใใฎ้ธๆ่ข๏ผAfD๏ผใใ44๏ผ ใๅพ็ฅจใใ็ฌฌ1ๅ ใซใชใ่ฆ่พผใฟใ
Germany’s “far-right shock”: AfD becomes the largest party in a former East German state election, shaking the Merz government.
A state parliamentary election was held on the 6th in the eastern German state of Saxony-Anhalt. According to the public broadcaster ARD, the Alternative for Germany (AfD), a hardline right-wing party opposed to immigration, is projected to take 44 percent of the vote and become the largest party.
Sankei Shimbun, September 7, 2026
This was the post that carried the result across Japanese social media, with roughly 880,000 views and 4,800 likes. The phrase it chose, “far-right shock,” set the frame most Japanese coverage followed for the next two days.
ๆฆๅพใใคใใฎ็ต็ใๅใใ้ใ้ณดใฃใhttps://t.co/gd6OQaRJUs
— ๆฅๆฌ็ตๆธๆฐ่ ้ปๅญ็๏ผๆฅ็ต้ปๅญ็๏ผ (@nikkei) September 8, 2026
ใถใฏใปใณใปใขใณใใซใๅท่ญฐไผ้ธใงๆฅตๅณๆฟๅ ใAfDใใๆญดๅฒ็ๅๅฉใๅใใพใใใ้ธๆ็ตๆใใ้ใๆๅณใๆใคใฎใฏใๅใใในใใๅฝๆฏใจใใฆใใๅฝๅฎถ็ๅฟตใ็ถปใณๅงใใใใจใงใใ
The bell announcing the end of postwar Germany has rung.
In the Saxony-Anhalt state election, the far-right party AfD won a historic victory. What carries heavier meaning than the election result is that the founding creed of anti-Nazism, held as a national principle, has begun to fray.
Nikkei, September 9, 2026
Japan’s leading business daily went further than the wire copy, arguing that the vote share mattered less than the erosion of the principle behind the firewall. That framing, the firewall as a national creed rather than a party tactic, is closer to the German debate than most English-language coverage got.
ใถใฏใปใณ๏ผใขใณใใซใๅท่ญฐไผ้ธๆใใพใใฏ้ธๆ็ตๆใฎ็ขบ่ชใๅใใๆฏๆ็ใ่ฟฝใฃใฆใใไบบใฏใAfD43%ใซ้ฉใใฏใชใใงใใใใใใใไบๅใฎไธ่ซ่ชฟๆปใจๅคงใใ็ฐใชใฃใใฎใฏใCDUใฎๅคงๆ๏ผ2ๅฒใๅใฃใไธ่ซ่ชฟๆปใฏใชใใฃใใฎใซ17๏ผ ๏ผใใใจใฏๅทฆ็ฟผๅ ใฎๆๅใจ็ทใฎๅ ใฎๅฅ้ใhttps://t.co/7eDhXZjvm6 pic.twitter.com/mYfslFxasz
— Takumi Itabashi (@takumi_itabashi) September 7, 2026
On the Saxony-Anhalt state election, first the results themselves. For anyone who has been following the polling, AfD at 43 percent is no surprise. What diverged sharply from the pre-election surveys was the scale of the CDU’s defeat: no poll had put them below 20 percent, and they finished at 17. Beyond that, the defeat of Die Linke and a solid showing by the Greens.
Takumi Itabashi, historian of German politics and diplomacy, September 7, 2026
A Japanese specialist in German political history pushed back on the shock framing with arithmetic. The AfD number had been visible in the polls for months. The genuine surprise was the CDU falling to 17 percent, which is the number that decides whether a firewall can still be built at all.
1) ใใคใๆฑ้จใถใฏใปใณใขใณใใซใๅทใซใใพใใAfDใฎ้ธๆ้ไผใงใใ
— Gakushi Fujiwara / ่คๅๅญฆๆ (@fujiwara_g1) September 4, 2026
ๅ็ปใฏใใคใใใ้ใ่ฟใใใจๆญใใใฆใใพใใไธๆณ็งปๆฐใ้ฃๆฐ็ณ่ซ่ ใซๅฏพใใใใใพใงใใใใซ่จใๅใฃใฆใใพใใNYใใญใณใใณใฎๆ่ฆใงใฏ่ใใใใพใใใๅๅ ่ ใฏใปใผๅ จๅกใ็ฝไบบใใขใธใข็ณปใฏ็งไปฅๅคใ1ไบบใใ่ฆใใใพใใใงใใ๏ผ็ถ pic.twitter.com/14K1kBbQt0
1) I am in the eastern German state of Saxony-Anhalt, at an AfD campaign rally.
In the video they are singing “send them back.” That is how bluntly, and how cheerfully, they say it about undocumented migrants and asylum seekers. It would be unthinkable by New York or London standards. Almost every attendee was white. Apart from me, I saw only one other person of Asian appearance. (cont.
Gakushi Fujiwara, Berlin correspondent for the Asahi Shimbun, September 5, 2026
Posted two days before the vote, this was the only first-hand report from the ground in Japanese, and the only one written from the position of someone who would be visibly foreign in that room.
ใถใฏใปใณ๏ผใขใณใใซใๅทใฎ่ญฐไผ้ธๆใงๆฅตๅณๆฟๅ ใใใคใใฎใใใฎ้ธๆ่ข๏ผAfD๏ผใใ็ฌฌ๏ผๅ ใฎๅบงใ็ฒๅพใใพใใใใๅ็ฌ้ๅๆฐใซใฏๅฑใใพใใใงใใใ
— ใใคใๅคงไฝฟ้คจ๐ฉ๐ช (@GermanyinJapan) September 8, 2026
ๅฐๆน้ธๆใฏๅฐๅใฎ่ชฒ้กใซๅฝฑ้ฟใไธใใใใฎใงใใๅคไบคใป้ๅใปๅฎๅ จไฟ้ๆฟ็ญใฏใใซใชใณ๏ผ้ฃ้ฆๆฟๅบ๏ผใๆฑบๅฎใใพใใ๐ฉ๐ชใฏๅฎๅฎใใๆฐไธปไธป็พฉๅฝๅฎถใงใใ็ถใใพใใ pic.twitter.com/4SZGnsqAef
In the Saxony-Anhalt state parliamentary election, the far-right party Alternative for Germany (AfD) took the position of largest party, but it did not reach a majority on its own.
State elections affect regional issues. Foreign, trade and security policy is decided in Berlin, by the federal government. Germany will remain a stable democracy.
Embassy of Germany in Japan, September 8, 2026
By the third day the German Embassy in Tokyo posted a 55-second explainer in Japanese, captioned “Has Germany swung to the far right? In a word, no.” That an embassy judged the Japanese-language conversation loud enough to answer directly is itself a data point. The reply thread then did the opposite of settling it. The most-liked responses argued that excluding a party chosen by voters is the thing that damages democracy, that Germany’s militant democracy amounts to speech control, and that an embassy has no business commenting on an election result at all.
That reply thread is the real story of the Japanese reaction. Where Japanese newspapers saw a country losing its guardrails, a large share of Japanese users saw the guardrails themselves as the problem, and read the firewall as an establishment refusing to accept a count it disliked. A separate strand, drawing more than a thousand likes, circulated the claim that the postal vote had been manipulated against the AfD, an assertion for which no evidence has been produced. Japan has no equivalent of the firewall convention, so the German arrangement reads to many Japanese observers less as a lesson learned from history than as a rule someone else wrote. The gap between how the press framed the result and how its own readers answered back is, for now, the most striking thing about the Japanese response.
Blocking a Party and Answering Its Voters Are Two Different Tasks
This election showed in numbers that support for the AfD now rests on expectation as well as anger. Expectation and capacity are different things. A state government cannot rewrite the asylum system or lift sanctions on Russia. The expectation was still cast, and it took the shape of 43.8 percent.
Both sides of the firewall have their reasons. Refusing to hand power to an organization classified as far-right reflects the wishes of the people who voted CDU. At the same time, whoever governs takes on the task of showing how the problems voters expected the AfD to solve will be solved. If the AfD supplies the minister-president, that task falls to the AfD. Warning that the AfD is dangerous is not itself an answer.
Refusing cooperation with a party classified as far-right, and building a government that measurably improves daily life, are two things Germany’s established parties are now being asked to do at once.
Frequently Asked Questions
Did the AfD win a majority in Saxony-Anhalt?
No. The AfD won 39 of the 83 seats in the state parliament with 43.8 percent of the vote, three seats short of the 42 needed for a majority, according to the provisional result published by the state returning officer as of September 8, 2026. The CDU, SPD, Greens and Left hold 39 seats between them and the BSW holds 5, so no bloc reaches a majority on its own.
What is Germany’s political firewall, and is it a law?
It is not a law. The firewall, or Brandmauer, is a set of decisions by Germany’s mainstream parties to refuse coalitions or comparable cooperation with the AfD, formalized by the CDU at its 2018 party conference. Because it rests on party resolutions rather than statute, it holds only as long as the parties choose to keep it, as the 2020 Thuringia episode showed when CDU and AfD votes elected a minister-president who resigned within days.
Can the AfD be banned in Germany?
Only the Federal Constitutional Court can ban a political party, and no such case against the AfD is under way. Two parties have been banned in the history of the Federal Republic, both in the 1950s. The classifications discussed in this article are intelligence judgments: the Saxony-Anhalt branch was classified as a confirmed far-right organization in November 2023, while on February 26, 2026 the Cologne Administrative Court barred the federal service from applying or publishing the same classification to the party as a whole pending the main proceedings.
How did Japanese social media react to the AfD victory in Saxony-Anhalt?
Japanese reaction split along a clear line. Major outlets including the Sankei Shimbun, which drew about 880,000 views on its September 7 post, and the Nikkei framed the result as a historic rupture, with the Nikkei writing that “the bell announcing the end of postwar Germany has rung.” Users replying to those same posts, and to the German Embassy in Tokyo’s September 8 Japanese-language explainer, mostly argued the opposite case: that excluding a party voters chose is itself undemocratic. Japan has no firewall convention of its own, which is part of why the German rule reads to many Japanese observers as an external constraint rather than a domestic safeguard.
Sekahan on YouTube
We publish video summaries of articles like this one, along with short clips built around Japanese reactions.
Reference Links
- Landtagswahl 2026 Ergebnisse Landesebene๏ฝLandeswahlleiterin Sachsen-Anhalt
- Wahlanalyse der Landtagswahl in Sachsen-Anhalt am 6. September 2026, PDF๏ฝKonrad-Adenauer-Stiftung
- Wahl der Ministerprรคsidentin/des Ministerprรคsidenten๏ฝLandtag von Sachsen-Anhalt
- Rechtsextremistische Parteien๏ฝMinistry of the Interior of Saxony-Anhalt
- Verfassungsschutz darf AfD vorlรคufig nicht als gesichert extremistische Bestrebung einstufen๏ฝVerwaltungsgericht Kรถln
- Germany: the AfD scores a landslide victory in Saxony-Anhalt๏ฝOSW Centre for Eastern Studies
- Factbox: What would Germany’s AfD do in first 100 days if it takes power in Saxony-Anhalt?๏ฝReuters via Yahoo News
- World reacts to AfD victory in east Germany state election๏ฝAl Jazeera
- Polish PM condemns opposition “idiots or traitors” celebrating AfD victory in Germany๏ฝNotes From Poland
- Von der Exklusion zur Entfremdung?๏ฝFederal Agency for Civic Education
